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An interesting question is whether any government employees at any level believe they are rulers rather than mere employees. The next question is whether We the People are willing to put up with those kind of employees. Or should we ask such questions of people who decide, globally, who dies to advance our national interest? Or whether the mainstream press should report such things? The next question is whether we believe that there are people in our government who are capable of killing others to protect their political interests. Our presence in Iraq suggests the answer. The administration’s willingness to withdraw hastily before the election is another answer. Or whether the press would kill such a delicious story to protect publishers’ interests. The following article wonders how a State Department intelligence expert in the bureau involved with Iraqi weapons of mass destruction does the following:
OF STATE DEPT. OFFICIAL by Wayne Madsen © Copyright 2003, From The Wilderness Publications, www.copvcia.com. All Rights Reserved. May be reprinted, distributed or posted on an Internet web site for non-profit purposes only. November 20, 2003 (FTW), WASHINGTON — In a case eerily reminiscent of the death of British Ministry of Defense bio-weapons expert, Dr. David Kelly, an official of the State Department’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research Near East and South Asian division (INR/NESA), John J. Kokal, 58, was found dead in the late afternoon of November 7. Police indicated he may have jumped from the roof of the State Department. Kokal’s body was found at the bottom of a 20 foot window well, 8 floors below the roof of the State Department headquarters near the 23rd and D Street location. Kokal’s death was briefly mentioned in a FOX News website story on November 8 but has been virtually overlooked by the major media. Interestingly, the FOX report states that State Department officials confirmed Kokal’s death to The Washington Post yet the Post – according to an archive search – has published nothing at all about Kokal’s death. A subsequent search revealed that the Post had made a short three-paragraph entry the death in the Metro section on November 7, 2003. However, the Post entry stated that Kokal did not work in intelligence and the story does not show up in the archives. Kokal’s INR bureau was at the forefront of confronting claims that Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction. Washington police have not ruled out homicide as the cause of his death. Kokal was not wearing either a jacket or shoes when his body was found. He lived in Arlington, Virginia. However, a colleague of Kokal’s told this writer that the Iraq analyst was despondent over “problems” with his security clearance. Kokal reportedly climbed out of a window and threw himself out in such a manner so that he would “land on his head.” At the time Kokal fell from either the roof or a window, his wife Pamela, a public affairs specialist in the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, was waiting for him in the parking garage. Mrs. Kokal had previously worked in Consular Affairs where she was involved in the stricter vetting of visa applicants from mainly Muslim countries after the Sept. 11 attacks. State Department officials dispute official State Department communiqués that said Kokal was not an analyst at INR. People who know Kokal told the French publication Geopolitique that Kokal was involved in the analysis of intelligence about Iraq prior to and during the war against Saddam Hussein. Another INR official, weapons expert Greg Thielmann, said he and INR were largely ignored by Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security John Bolton and his deputy, David Wurmser, a pro-Likud neo-conservative who recently became Vice President Dick Cheney’s Middle East adviser. Kokal’s former boss, the recently retired chief of INR, Carl W. Ford, recently said that Bolton often exaggerated information to steer people in the wrong directions. A former INR employee revealed that some one-third to one-half of INR officials are either former intelligence agents with the CIA or are detailed from the agency. He also revealed it would have been impossible for Kokal to have gained entry to the roof on his own. INR occupies both a Sensitive Compartmented Information Facility (SCIF) on the sixth floor that has no windows and a windowless structure on the roof that has neither windows nor access to the roof, according to the former official. The other windows at the State Department have been engineered to be shatter proof from terrorist bomb attacks and cannot be opened. INR and other State Department officials report that a “chill” has set in at the State Department following Kokal’s defenestration. A number of employees are afraid to talk about the suspicious death. It also unusual that The Northern Virginia Journal, a local Arlington newspaper, has not published an obituary notice on Kokal. (Wayne Madsen, a frequent FTW contributor, is a former US Naval officer and intelligence analyst who is currently an author, freelance writer and commentator in Washington, D.C.) |
Author: brittblaser
Electable?
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Halley comments this morning that most Democrats are waiting on the sidelines but are committed to voting for someone who is “electable.”
I’m on both sides of Halley’s fence. One of the reasons I pitched my tent in the Dean camp is precisely because he’s so electable. However, my suggestion last June was the one Halley makes:
It continues to be clear to me. Pick the candidate who’s not unelectable and with whom you have the most influence. Do we need a long conversation to determine which candidate is most open to blogger/bloggee input? If there’s a secret to building this alliance, it would be confidence–we could just do it. We need to feel as confident in an imminent blog-based White House as Jeff Bezos was in selling books on line. This delicious sense of burying the kleptocracy under a blizzard of votes and small contributions is the most democratic upheaval we can imagine. But who is we?
No one would argue against the point that, if a couple of million people put up $100 each, Dean’s coattails would carry a lot of congressional seats. With 2 million contributors, the total would probably be more like half a billion bucks. Reaching Critical MassFew of us are persuaded by Mr. Kelley’s argument. In our oversaturated age, it’s impossible to separate the mass of compelling but fraudulent messages from the truly stunning truth when it unexpectedly shows up. You’d think that by now I would have had all my friends sign up at the Dean site and put up their $10-100. Until I do that, maybe I’ll quit bitching about how passive others are. |
Voice of Experience
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This post will make the most sense for those who have witnessed war and are not freaked out by the cold calculus of accepting death as a constant and the loss of buddies as gut-stirring but as inevitable as taxes. Most of the rest of the world has been forced to experience war first hand. Perhaps that’s why the rest of the world is unimpressed with this administration’s gung-ho attitude, so typical of raw recruits and so uncharacteristic of adults who’ve peered into the abyss and lived to describe it:
I hate to diss fellow bloggers, but the warbloggers seem to have a paucity of combat experience. We would never entertain the views of programmers who’ve never hacked code, or historians who’ve never read history. Why would we listen carefully to warbloggers who’ve never watched tracers arcing toward their position? Every warrior knows that perfect safety is a fool’s paradise. The premise of the current war on terror is that we can entertain our way out of the terrorist threat. It’s entertainment to feel an illusory omnipotence that will hunt down every evil-doer and infidel–a kind of adolescent road rage, really. The old heads in your squadron know to protect such greenhorns from their enthusiasms, at least until they learn or die. “There are old pilots and bold pilots. There are no old, bold pilots.“ The warbloggers’ broad lack of combat experience is so obvious a disqualifier that I apologize for not pointing out this disconnect last winter. The Bush Administration dismissed European caution last winter as a malady of “Old Europe,” as if cultures which include Dresden and Hiroshima bring nothing to the dialogue. Reflecting on this, and the consistent disapproval of our unilateral course, emanating from the lands that all of us hail from, I wonder what the people of those cultures might bring to our current election cycle. Second Hand SmokeIt must be frustrating to be a rational non-American. One suffers from a kind of secondhand smoke, a victim of behavior you can’t stop. Or like a neighbor to an appealing but uncontrollable, rowdy and violent adolescent. While non-Americans can’t vote, I know many feel the same urgency so many of us do, and may be even more anxious to help, their energies otherwise constrained. Aid and assistance from non-Americans can be galvanizing to the conscientious objectors to unilateralism, who often feel cut off from informed discourse and often seem numbed by what has happened. In addition to tech support and assistance, here are some projects that anyone in the second superpower can contribute to: Fact collectionsWho, when, what, where, why, with attribution. A fact is simply what an authoritative source reported. True authority is part of the research, including background like how Rev. Sun Myung Moon set up the Washington Times to look like a legitimate newspaper, or Murdoch’s Fox News. Though conservatives seem fact-averse, a year of unfolding revelations might help some see the breadth and depth of the “vast right-wing conspiracy” that people laughed at when Hillary labeled it, but now has been well documented. Armed with the right sets of facts, someone could build a series of timelines, contrasting spin vs. reality. I imagine these to be a vertical web page, a very long table, with a center column being the solid timeline, presumably just a background color, with links among the discrete areas reported. Others will think of better ways to do this. The Virtual Anti-Spin RoomProperly organized, these “facts” can also be a resource for people watching a Presidential debate or Fox News. A researcher could constantly “push” fact-based web pages which the viewers could compare with what is being said. Debates are now accompanied by “Spin Rooms” of partisans, so we should build a virtual non-spin room. They could also be archived as a post event video with interleaved sound bites vs. facts. A pressing project is to give a voice to people who feel disconnected from each other. We need to expose our best thinking, starting with individual blogs. Because the campaign issues are reasonably clear-cut, a straightforward taxonomy is available to form the basis of a knowledge aggregator. That capability could persist after the election to inject fact-based opinion into the American political dialogue. Technorati has some enabling technology for this purpose. Finally, there may be entrepreneurial opportunities. If we are serious about building extramural governance tools, enterprises must be formed using the pool of passionate, under-employed American techies. These activities may be as important to our democracy as voting-machine companies but more resonant with the Constitution and good practice. There are better ideas than these. Whatever we do, we must overwhelm the contrived urgency of the war on terror with our own passion and intensity. Many Americans feel these are extraordinary times requiring unprecedented actions. They are right, but the actions are not a crusade against disenfranchised Muslims. We need a global convergence of knowledge and novel economic tools, obviously Net-based, that lead the world out of its nearsightedness toward the common destiny we all understand but which politicians choose not to give voice to.
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And he’s not just fuckin’ around
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My good buddy Josh has some sound advice for us: Reclaim the dignity of your own experience. It’s an MP3 verbal assault on mediocrity that will make you think more than our culture usually requires. |
Threads of our Fathers
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Amy Harmon called tonight doing early research for an article, seeking a deeper insight into the Dean campaign. Amy’s beat at the New York Times is technology and culture, and we laughed as it occurred to us that nothing integrates tech and culture better than the Dean campaign. Consider with me the deepest, most satisfying theme that might help us define the Dean phenomenon. It would have to be the resilient message of what American democracy means to its people. Like Robert Pirsig’s discovery about excellence, we all seem to understand the core of American freedom without needing a detailed definition. In every age, we Americans suffer the current compromises of our freedoms, in confidence that they are merely clouds obscuring the imminent sun we hold as our birthright. We are cynics and innocents, mistrusting our politicians while assuming that they seek the same sunlight we do. What is the core of the Founders’ beliefs, and what core values do we hold so dear that our leaders trespass upon them at their peril? The Founders’ breakthrough was their audacious assertion, which they held to be self evident, that the people collectively are more important than their rulers. This had never been stated before, and it was such a powerful idea that it inspired the French to come to our aid with a zeal in excess of their hatred of the English. (There’s a fabriqué en France statue on a little island four miles south of here, testifying to that belief and the support the French gave us in the 1770’s, without which we would not have won our freedom.) This notion of popular sovereignty is a product of the Age of Enlightenment, that flowering of humanist rationality and idealism arising in the 17th-18th centuries. I’ve suggested before that this enlightenment grew out of two catalysts.
Those cheap presses were the blog firmware of the eighteenth century, freeing voices from the hollow cadence of church and state, training the newly literate masses in clues never uttered before. For the first time, historic rites of succession were questioned, wondering what was, exactly, the divine right of thugs. All of this had been going on at the same time as the settling of the New World, when a family might see a penniless son go off on a ship and return a millionaire, beneficiary of slavery and plunder and land seized from American aborigines (those marvelous British country mansions were won the hard way). It was a precursor to the Internet boom, when anything was possible and the old rules seemed less binding than they had been for centuries. And then, in the New World, came a bandwidth revolution. Each of the colonies had started as settlements, divided from each other by an impassable barrier of wilderness. Their communications architecture was hub and spoke, a hierarchical command economy driven by old world masters who were the only source of the manufactured goods they needed to hack out a living from the forest. With time came expansion and roads and inter-colony trade and local foundries and mills and a slow realization that a very nice living could be had without reference to the masters now so far away. Physical distance was a metaphor for the attenuation of hierarchical control, and a clue that this newly flat society was giving more than it was getting. The metaphors with our age are stunning and inspire us to pick up that old thread the Founders started and Emerson continued and Thoreau and Whitman and Clemens and Steinbeck and Kerouac and all the rest. We’ve been so busy lately that we’ve quit talking about ways while focused on means. But that hasn’t dimmed our collective sense of how we’re meant to live. To paraphrase what the rustic said about art, we may not know freedom, but we know what we like. Somehow the Dean campaign dropped a little of this latent genetic sensibility into the nutrient pool called the Internet. Contrasted to an assault on freedom as we like it and a radical foray into preemptive war, we seem to sense an unprecedented disturbance in our collective force, as if a sister blue-green planet had been obliterated far, far away. If there’s a larger meaning to the Dean phenomenon, that is it. Call me an idealist (please), but the character of people’s response counts as much as its quantity, at least in the early going. Consider the code produced by a few hackers at the open source conference in Philadelphia in 1776. Relative to the population of the colonies, there were fewer of them than there are Deaniacs among us. They haggled over it, signed it with a flourish, and let the power of their words carry the day. If I had to pick a theme for the Dean phenomenon, that would be it. |
The Elephant in the Corner…
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…of this election cycle is the Internet. Suppose for a moment that we’re able to get past our sturm und drang that says that the fascist NeoCons are going to sell our republic out to the Republicans and that the pinko commie fag liberals will sell our democracy to the Democrats. What would our government look like if it were as customer-centric as Amazon? I’ve been discussing the idea of e-democracy today with Doc Searls and Phil Windley who are having dinner in Las Vegas on the topic as I write this. (I told Phil I wish I could be a fly in his soup). Our collective assessment is that no one is thinking about e-democracy on a large enough scale. Everybody wants smaller government except the government. Everybody wants government to have a better User Interface. Everybody wants the government to be as user-friendly as Amazon. Everybody wants transparency everywhere in government: voting auditability, legislation, cloak room deal-cutting, pork, contracting, etc. And we all want the cost of government to drop like ISP pricing. And no one wants politicians getting in the way of governance any more. At some level, we know this is possible and inevitable. But should we have to wait a couple of decades for our overdue upgrade? Phil observes an interesting latency factor built in to government: governments resist all management principles for 20 years after they’ve been widely accepted in private enterprise. He says that if you announce in a company that 20% of the people are going to be let go, everyone assumes that it will be someone else, thanks to their high opinion of their value to the enterprise. Apparently, though, if you make that announcement in government, everyone assumes they’ll be part of the 20%. He’s describing a culture founded on a sense of fraudulence. I’ll bet that most of us have a similar vision of e-government. Once you describe government as a web app, the rest is mostly details. All fifteen of us could sit down and sketch it out on a couple of flip chart sheets. But to implement it, we need to cajole the bureaucrats out of their bureaus. Phil and I are willing to stipulate a couple of points:
Here’s the secret to breaking the civil service log jam: Establish a program under which a cooperative civil servant can qualify for reasonable merit raises and retirement on the pension they’re aiming at, if they’ll just go home and stop causing trouble. First they need to cooperate with the SWAT Team to manage the paperwork they currently handle. If they can demonstrate that they really don’t do anything, they get a bonus, since it saves everyone so much trouble. You say Republican and I say DemocratWith a proper UI and scalability, does anyone care what servers are behind the scenes at Amazon? Isn’t it the same with e-government? If the systems run properly, the party in power doesn’t matter as much. Citizens should be discussing the fine points of services and decision-making rather than Dem vs. GOP. It’s a granularity issue: the finer the grain, the more useful the design discussions. When the citizenry is significantly involved in rating programs (think of epinions or Amazon reviews), defensive wars like Afghanistan are more likely and preemptive wars like Iraq, perhaps less. I really don’t care, as long as we all share a sense of what’s right and willing to commit wholeheartedly to, since that’s the benchmark for an effective program, whether it’s military action or AmeriCorps. I hope it’s obvious that fine-grained citizen involvement is the opposite of the citizen initiatives so popular in California. Those are not fine-grained, but rather the bumper-sticker school of governance. Along the way, we’d discover that all of us reasoning together are a lot smarter than some of us. My sense is that smarter-than-average people of both ends of the spectrum are scared to death of a broad-based democracy. The Internet mustn’t be simply a way to win elections but a basis for governance. If Estonia can do this stuff, surely we can. |
No Amount of Money for These Vets
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Some of the Gulf War POWs were tortured, mostly pilots. A judge awarded them damages payable from the Iraqi funds now controlled by the White House, which refuses to release the money. On Tuesday, Veteran’s Day, White House Press Secretary Scott McClellan was asked why the administration won’t permit former Gulf War POWs to receive the funds awarded them by a judge. This is a section of the official transcript, starting about halfway through the press conference. Joe Conason’s Journal provided the pointer. (I’ve bolded the operative language.) Q Scott, there are 17 former POWs from the first Gulf War who were tortured and filed suit against the regime of Saddam Hussein. And a judge has ordered that they are entitled to substantial financial damages. What is the administration’s position on that? Is it the view of this White House that that money would be better spent rebuilding Iraq rather than going to these former POWs?
Q But, so — but isn’t it true that this White House —
Q Why won’t you spell out what your position is?
Q Just one more. Why would you stand in the way of at least letting them get some of that money?
Q But if the law that Congress passed entitles them to access frozen assets of the former regime, then why isn’t that money, per a judge’s order, available to these victims?
Q — you don’t think they should get money?
Q That’s not the issue —
Q Are you opposed to them getting some of the money?
Q No, but it hasn’t been addressed. They’re entitled to the money under the law. The question is, is this administration blocking their effort to access some of that money, and why?
Q But you are opposed to them getting the money.
Q So no money.
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Vet’s Log
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This English major who flew airplanes for Uncle Sam doesn’t identify with being a veteran as much as many. I’ve probably mentioned it more on this blog than in daily life because it deflects the knee-jerk reaction of those who confuse their voting records with their self-interest. The Dean Blog has some interesting comments today, in reply to a post by Jon Zall, Colonel, USAF (Ret), who wrote,
Some of the comments are even more emotional than most. I’ve added links where helpful, but not edited content:
Wage Slaves with RiflesMilitary people are the wage slaves of the industry called America. As corporations manipulate their hourly employees, so does this administration use cheap labor to express its foreign policy. When veterans and soldiers look at their values and not their voting habits, Dean is the obvious choice. If you’re in the military or a union or paid for doing real work with your hands, you are in the same position relative to senior management. Even if loyal to your direct boss, you’re an expense from the viewpoint of senior management. Major corporations are the spiritual godfathers of this administration. Just as companies are cutting benefits and raising CEO bonuses, so is the Department of Defense. The Army Times has a Veteran’s Day article about active duty benefits, “An Act of Betrayal – In the midst of war, key family benefits face cuts“. The Department of Defense (DoD) has closed 19 commissaries and may close 19 more; and is considering the fate of 58 schools it runs around the country. As with so many initiatives, it seems DoD had made up its mind to study the closings prior to 9/11, and seems unaffected by later events:
Schools for dependents are a big issue. Military families don’t pay local taxes so they have no voice in local districts, which don’t have room for them anyway. The military has better schools than most districts, perhaps because the peer group is families more disciplined than average. Further, the local schools are struggling already. “I would be transferring 800 students into a 600-student [public] school, and have no voting representation in the school board,” says Lt. Gen. William Lennox, superintendent of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, N.Y. Community WatchMilitary people live in some of the tightest-knit communities on earth. Sure, families transfer in and out, but common values, experience and challenges knit everyone together. That’s why it’s so striking that a commander would describe call these cuts a “betrayal,” not as an off-the-record slip of the lip, but as carefully as any order :
Soldiers feel entitled. Maybe not so much in peacetime, though they are. But when your ass is on the line and your wife can’t make ends meet, the last thing you’ll put up with is the loss of the preferential commissary (grocery store) pricing, or seeing your kids shoe-horned into an under-funded public school.
The
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Political Power – Shall we shape it or endure it?
Secondary Markets
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The most unexpected things define our realities. We’re cut off from the truth, not because we can’t handle it, but because “journalists” won’t compromise their access to the people who are lying to them. Then RSS and blogging and Google come along and we’re surprisingly more connected to the nuances that have always been under-reported by journalists. Secondary markets could be an equally surprising contender as the blogware of nation-building finance. “Secondary market” is the name for a capital market for investment instruments bundled into large offerings. When these instruments are sold, they yield very large amounts for whatever purpose the underlying debt serves. Plain English:
Well, the intent is good. The Policy EngineGovernment policies are expressed through money. As the Republicans have been proving lately, if you control the budget, you control policy. Let’s deconstruct the essence of government, which fortunately turns out to be less complicated than we might think. About 700 people in Washington, working closely with about 20,000 lobbyists, create laws. (Otto Von Bismark once said, “There are two things you don’t want to see being made—sausage and legislation,” a variation of the caveat against visiting your favorite restaurant’s kitchen.) Out of that fetid swamp of special interests some imperatives arise, and so our destiny is bent to the will of the couple dozen or so people who manage the perceptions and careers of those 700 people. Once this spending engine revs up, the spending rules are interpreted by the people in the Executive branch to mean what most excites them. This is how an appropriation is parsed into a $25 million Halliburton bridge. Cynical? You bet. Once you’ve seen sausage or laws being made, you’re likely to become a disillusioned vegetarian. But what about the Second Superpower? As the peace-loving majority finds its voice and collective will, how might a stateless consortium of like minds exert their force to bring about what Dwight Eisenhower envisioned 40 years ago:
Follow the MoneyIt doesn’t take a government to spend money. Big government hires big companies to spend big bucks, whether needed or not. That’s why we’re spending like Americans in Iraq rather than spending like Iraqis, who know how to build bridges much less expensively than Americans. They’d probably employ more people, taking idle hands off the stocks of rifles. As I said last time, why not create web applications that are, literally, loan applications? And work reports combined with PayPal requests. All this assumes you’re interested in redevelopment and not in funneling gobs of money into select companies. In order to hire Iraqi companies and people to do what you want them to do, you’d have to pepper Iraq with WiFi and ATMs and debit cards. With those in place, people could do useful things and be paid for it, like the list from last time:
Most importantly, it would let people on the street experience an actual benefit from the occupation, and to feel invested in a civil society. This is not the kind of program a traditional government would even consider. But the Second Superpower is not a government, just a consortium of like-minded peaceniks. Even though war is very profitable for some, peace is profitable for many more, with myriad options for profiting off productivity and the capitalization to support it. A web-based rebuild Iraq portal would create agreements as standardized as student or mortgage loans. Once bundled, they constitute a debt package large enough for the capital markets to pay attention to. And enough capital to rebuild a country without the messy inconvenience of occupying it. |
